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BY Fit AX CIS OCAXE. 



CHARLESTON; 

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THE following Essay is rather intended as hints to the ingenious 
for a more complete and better arranged work, than as a perform¬ 
ance in itself. My circumstances do not allow me at present to 
give to the principles I here wish to establish, that extensive eluci¬ 
dation, it appears to me the matter deserves. It has long ago been 
asserted by many able writers, that the form of government we per¬ 
ceive in any state, is not principally the work of human foresight, 
but the gradual result of time and experience, of circumstances and 
emergencies. And that even much of the evil tendency of mistaken 
policy and dislocated arrangement, has been corrected by the wis¬ 
dom of nature ; or that strong inclination, felt by every individual, 
to better his condition. Mr. Ward, too, in his inquiry into the 
foundation and history of the law of nations in Europe, shews by 
a chain of irresistable facts, the incapacity of human reason for 
the discovery of moral truth, when unassisted by revelation. Yet 
I have seen no where sufficient light thrown on the incapacity among 
the great majority of mankind for the perception of moral truth, 
even after it has been discovered. Nor on the inefficacy of current 
opinions for moral practice, independent of situation. On the con¬ 
trary, much reliance seems to be placed, by most writers on the 
dissemination of knowledge by tuition, among the people at large, 
as a principle from which moral and political improvement, and 
industrious habits, are to arise. Neither have I seen the effects of 
the state of capital, on the structure of society, sufficiently attended 
to. When in my opinion, this affords a key to account for most, 
if not all, the revolutions of every kind we witness in states. These 
are the points to which it is my aim to draw the attention of the 
.reader, by appealing to the invariable conduct of man in all coun¬ 
tries, and in all stages of civilization. It may, however, happen 
to the matter of this Essay, what Mr. Dugald Stewart says, when 
speaking of some of the ideas of Hobbes, that it is the fate of 
unread writers to work on the revival of exploded systems. But it 
appears to me, that if the principles here contained are not admit¬ 
ted, there is no reason why we should reject the visions of political 
justice; with perhaps the exception only of men being able to live 
without eating, drinking, sleeping or the like. Fot even the ten¬ 
dency of the species, to increase beyond the means of subsistence, 
so completely established by Mr. Mallbus, would not be an insur¬ 
mountable obstacle to almost Utopian felicity, if men were gene¬ 
rally reasonable. For in that case the population of every country 
could be reduced to the standard of subsistence by the preventive 
check. The only object of the following pages, and it would be 
inconsistent with the doctrines they contain, to expect any other, is 
the warning the sensible against that zeal, political, moral, and of 


4 


reforms, to which they are very liable, when not thoroughly 
quainted with the character of mankind, and that makes them often 
act in a manner very injurious to the public and themselves, placing 
them at all times in a very ridiculous light. What causes that men 
of genius are seldom, perhaps never fit for the practical transac- 
lions of life, is, that they have nothing like a correct idea of other 
people’s minds. Measuring the generality of men by themselves* 
their plan? and views are not adapted to the dulness and weakness 
of the ordinary inhabitants of these sublunary regions. As they 
&im at too much, their expectations are always disappointed. In 
proportion too, as they entertain exaggerated conceptions of the 
species, they find every individual short of their imaginary scale. 
They become incapable of discovering or appreciating comparative 
merit, and are apt to treat with severity and censure, even the 
•worthiest persons. They grow sour and misanthropic. The whole 
tenor of their conduct is viewed by ordinary persons, and not un¬ 
justly, as eccentric and deranged. Our practice is with individuals, 
not with the species. And so that set of true opinions that tend to 
make us moderate and patient, ought to be encouraged, at the 
expence of chimerical encomiums, that have the contrary bias. 
The reader is put in mind, that whatever is here advanced, re¬ 
gards always the human race as viewed in masses; that no notice is 
taken of individual deviations, as not sufficient to affect the general 
theory. 

Some apology may perhaps be considered necessary for introduc¬ 
ing at too much length, Mr. Malthu’s system of population, and 
other maxims in political economy, already generally known, but 
as the present theory is entirely built on those principles, and as 
they admit of being considered in very different ways, I thought it 
absolutely necessary to expose to the reader my view of them. 

About the beginning of October last, I sent from Boston, (U. S.) 
to Messrs. Longman & Co. publishers in London, a manuscript, 
containing the substance of the present treatise, but rather in the 
$hape of loose notes, so that those gentlemen could have such form 
given to them, as they might have thought proper; for I had then 
very little expectation of being able for a long while to pay any at¬ 
tention to the matter. I dont know whether any thing has been 
done about it. These notes however, were published in Boston 
about the beginning of last January, pretty much in the same shape 
as they went to London. Having now a small chance, I thought 
fit to throw into something like a regular essay, a subject, which, I 
Relieve, is not without some importance. 

Those who may be inclined to censure such falts of idiom and 
style, as must have crept into this composition, are made aware, 
that the writer does not use his native language, and that his oppor¬ 
tunities of cultivating English have not been great. 




THE 

GOVERNMENT, &c. 


ALL systems of politics and moral philosophy appear to hav« 
been built, on a highly overrated supposition, of what we will call 
the free agency of man, or his capacity of acting, according to cer¬ 
tain maxims or rules, introduced to point out a correct manner of 
conduct. For in those systems the common reach of the mental 
powers of the species, has been measured too much by the best 
instances of it. But after some observation, it will be found, that 
the difference of natural intelligence, between one man and another, 
is much greater, than what has as yet been generally imagined; 
except in such ordinary avocations of life, w here only an often re¬ 
peated routine is followed. We perceive every day, the great em¬ 
barrassment of almost every individual, in such occurrences as are 
any w ays novel, although in perfect analogy with those in common 
practice. This exaggeration of the human faculties is the cause of 
the many apparent inconsistencies in the human character, and of 
that wide difference, always to be noticed, between practical results, 
and what might have been anticipated by theories. Who, for in¬ 
stance, that is acquainted with Christian promises and threats, 
could have foretold such a practical disregard for the bliss of heaven, 
and the torments of hell, in a people who really believe in them. 
And this not only with the stupid and uncultivated, but among 
those too, w ho appear of a very different character, and who have 
neither shaken off those beliefs, as idle and chimerical and yet do 
not in the least act according to them. It is noticed in holy writ, 
and by sacred writers, that man, when unassisted by divine grace, 
can only be moved by his carnal wants and desires; and that even 
in those cases, where his conduct is praise worthy, this is more 
the effect of his temperment, his habits or his want of temptation 
for sin, than of his judgment or foresight. For neither of these 
are of that strength, that it has been taken for granted, in philoso¬ 
phical systems. In most cases such maxims as a man knows, hang 
loosely in his memory, rather as formularies in vogue, than as regu¬ 
lators of his actions. He has by rote a set of opinions, correct or 
not, as he may have chanced to get them, which he pours out, 
when occasion call them forth, pretty much in the same manner, 
as most of the learned wear their information, or as a canary bird 
repeats the tunes he has been taught, when the first notes, or some 
other circumstance brings them to his mind. The strange power 
too of passion over reason, even in the best disposed and enlightened, 
has struck every common observer. How many of the worthiest, 


6 


and otherwise most valuable members of society, degrade them* 
selves to misery and shame, because they are not able to counteract 
such a pitiful inclination, as that for strong liquors, and against 
which they are continually taking the warmest and most sincere 
resolutions. All other desires are in all probability no less effective^ 
although not so visible in their operation. If this is the case with 
the best specimens, what ought to be expected from the reasoning 
powers of ordinary individuals ? It is a fortunate circumstance^ 
however, that the passions are, in most persons, not much stronger 
than their reason or their virtue. We do not include among these 
weak passions, the corporeal wants. Otherwise the sinners of the 
world, would be such demons*as Milton’s satan, and Mr. Godwin’s 
or lord Byron’s heroes. If the elements of character were better 
known, such pictures would likely be found out of nature as inco* 
herent. The mixture of great virtues, and great vices in the same 
person, however abundant in history or romance, will seldom, per¬ 
haps never, be found in real life. A virtuous person may have 
great weaknesses, and a scoundrel may be of that hardness of nerves^ 
and that ostentatious disposition, that will in some circumstances 
produce brilliant effects. But cruelty, and real generosity—the 
cunning necessary to usurp an elevated station, and real grandeur^ 
are entirely incompatible. Whatever inclination there may be to 
doubt of the authenticity of holy writ, or to undervalue the autho¬ 
rity of sacred writers, certain it is that the experience of all age^ 
and of all countries, has warranted their views of human nature^ 
out of all comparison beyond the speculations of those philophers, 
that are called benevolent, because they profess extravagant opini¬ 
ons of the human character. The benevolent and amiable Addi¬ 
son distressed his friend Steele, for a sum of which he was in no 
need; and likewise entered into several cabals to depress the repu¬ 
tation of his rivals. In the morality that is natural to man, might 
is the only rule and limit of right. He feels the smallest wants of 
his own, in a very clear and distinct manner, and very feebly those 
of others, even the most urgent. Of course he must hate his fellow 
man, as the opponent of his power, or the rival of his pursuits and 
wish of dominion and glory; and when rivalship has ceased by 
the acknowledged superiority of one of the parties, contempt 
follows on the one side and envy on the other. The strong consi¬ 
ders the weak only as a thing subservient to his desires. Besides 
this, nobody wants to see any one happier than himself, in the same 
manner as every body dislikes to meet with the wiser or the stronger. 
But as everyone must have found it very troublesome, to be continu¬ 
ally enforcing his power in doubtful strife, against that of another^ 
practical warfare among individuals of the same tribe, must soon 
have ceased, by habit hatred must have lulled into indifference* 
and courtsey be established to keep up the truce. That polite¬ 
ness is only a mask for real enmity is proved by the circum¬ 
stance, that it becomes ridiculous in proportion as friendship takes 
place between two or more persons. However, vent was 
given to the inclination for hostility by war on strangers, which 
continued without intermission, until nations growing rich and 
improved, convenience made it mutually necessary, be some* 




7 

times at peace. But although practical acts of hostility subsided 
almost entirely among members of the same nation, secret enmity 
goes on even among brothers and sisters, ready to break out 
on the smallest provocation of interest, or rivalship. Christi¬ 
anity urges the love of our neighbour, to counteract our natural 
hatred of him. If this love was a natural disposition, it would be a 
passion, that like every other, would perhaps require control, in¬ 
stead of encouragement. The rarity of sincere friendship has al¬ 
ways been proverbial, at the same time that nothing has>been more 
abundant, except indifference, that deep and lasting aversion.- 1 - 
Even a passion for the other sex, much more refined than that of 
the lower animals, does not appear £> be very common. The re¬ 
putation of gallantry and tenderness, seems to render a character 
peculiarly amiable, so as to make it our delight in our plays and 
romances. When there is a real and warm attachment between 
two married persons, that couple becomes respectable, and is an 
object of commendation. Now if such sentiments were any ways 
general, no more credit w’ould be given for them, than for the re¬ 
joicing at our own good fortune. That perfect and unbounded con¬ 
fidence, that would always take place between man and wife, if the 
species was endowed with a better character, is scarcely to be met 
with. (It is not here meant, confidence of conjugal chastity.) So, 
that after the fall of man, matrimony seems to have originated not 
in premeditated advantages that were too refined for his understand¬ 
ing, and that would have been neglected as much as any other moral 
injunction. The human mind has too little consistency to continue 
long in practices or habits that have not some permanent and mate¬ 
rial foundation in his immediate wants. But first in the necessity of 
avoiding strife, and in the instinctive sympathy for his children, and 
then in the ease of repetition, which engenders habit. A savage pre¬ 
fers hunting often in the same forest, to the trying a new one every 
day. The civilized man commonly frequents the same shop, the same 
walk, and the same every thing else. Almost all birds pair in the 
same manner, and can in general be a pattern to man in conjugal 
conduct. If we once admit, that war is the natural disposition of 
man, of which it appears little doubt can be entertained, all theories 
of disinterested or religious virtue, or even of a conduct rationally 
selfish, from principle, ever becoming general, must vanish like the 
distant cloud. The elements of this character, are an almost total 
deficiency of sympathy, and a perfect incapacity of being aware of 
consequences ; that is a most narrow sighted selfishness. Nothing 
of this, however, attaches in particular to the individual vrarrior. 
Since war is the natural element of man, a nation that would avoid 
the necessary strife, or a man that would decline the profession of 
arms when expedient to his fortunes, would act upon principles 
very foreign to the natural conformation of the world. If the 
truth of this picture is not proved, by our own public and private 
actions, by our system of society, by the history of all nations, and 
of all times, we must conceive the whole tenor of human conduct, 
as a most unaccountable phenomenon. The uneasiness and dis¬ 
trust we suffer in the presence of strangers, before a truce is made 
by acquaintance, and the interest we feel for children, are indubita- 


& 


ble proofs of the same. The characteristic of children, is impo¬ 
tence and imbecility, which would render them contemptible if it was 
permanent, but as we conceive them free from those dispositions 
that render grown persons our enemies, and our rivals, we seem to 
rest with them, from our warfare with the species. When a man 
abstains from doing injury to any person, and is at all times ready 
to do justice to every one, he becomes a character highly esteemed 
and applauded, even if he does not perform acts of goodness of any 
importance. This shows that we are always in the expectation of 
harm from others, instead of kindness. The long standing question 
of whether war is in the nature of man or not, appears to be pretty 
much of the same sort, as that other one sometime ago agitated 
among philosophers, of whether or no he is naturally an eater of 
flesh. The practical superiority of man in a civilized society, 
when compared to that of a savage, or of a man in less improved 
society, proceeds from habits, occasioned by his better circumstan¬ 
ces, that afford him a less gross manner of satisfying his wants and 
desires, which wants and desires become also more refined, so as to 
render a high degree of brutality impracticable, and a smaller one 
dangerous and disreputable. 

In the course of this essay, we shall try to point out in what man¬ 
ner this melioration is brought about. 

From the forced superiority of practices, in consequence of bet¬ 
ter situation, more improved theories take place. Consistent and 
generally practised theories, are the effect, not the cause of practi¬ 
ces. The nature of those theories, that have not had their origin in 
practice, show very plainly, of what reveries the human mind is 
capable, ihe moment it enters the regions of speculation, and expe¬ 
rience shows too how far they are disregarded in real life. These 
theories could not have been produced in a state of society where 
life would have been less convenient, and are entirely unintelligible 
to men in less improved circumstances. The savage that would 
see an European treating his prisoner of war with kindness, and 
dismissing him without ransom, would not be able to conceive the 
motive of a conduct so absurd, in his manner of viewing the matter. 
What, he would ask, does he not feel the least resentment towards 
his enemy ? Is he not afraid of being killed by him some other 
time ? You might tell him as much as you pleased, that govern¬ 
ments are at war, not individuals. That those men have a mutual 
advantage in not killing nor doing each other any harm. Then 
they are friends he would say, why do they fight ? In the name of 
their different governments, you would answer But for all that, 
lie would believe Europeans detestable sort of monsters, that des¬ 
troy their friends, and spare their enemies. Some writers have 
already remarked, that it is perfectly visionary to expect the intro¬ 
duction of European morality and manners, in such countries as 
New Holland, or New Zealand, without introducing European 
agriculture and arts, that is European situation. And even if such 
countries are colonized by civilized nations, the whole population 
will at last proceed from those settlers, and the aborigines by de¬ 
grees disappear without ever having attained any portion of civili¬ 
zation. The civilized man and the savage have no point of con- 




9 

tact by habit, and so cannot amalgamate. But if the country is 
very extensive, containing large prairies, and a good climate, the in¬ 
crease of cattle faster than what can be destroyed, turns the hunter 
into the herdsman, before the civilized man, by natural increase, 
possesses himself of all the land. This has been the case with the 
Indians in some of the Spanish colonies. In others they had alrea¬ 
dy taken some steps towards improvement before their discovery. 
The subjects of Montezuma and the Incas, were but little inferior 
to some of the African nations. After a people comes to a certain 
degree of discipline by habit, is disposed to every improvement.— 
There is no sort of dexterity among men of which the negroes are 
not capable. Much too can and is made of the Spanish Indians, 
although not so much as of the negroes. But the wandering savage 
is perfectly untamable. Mons. Cuvier, says that nothing short of 
divine interposition can effect this. That extraordinary people, 
called the gipsies, after ages of residence among the most civilized 
nations, are almost in as perfect a state of nature as the American 
hunter. An ingenious Spanish gentleman, is of opinion, that they 
are the aboriginal natives of every country, and that the other in¬ 
habitants are descended of colonies from nations civilized more or 
less, either by divine agency, or by some natural causes extraordi¬ 
narily powerful. Of this last class, he supposes even the Celtse 
and other tribes, that the Phoenicians Carthagenians, Romans, &c. 
met in Spain. This conjecture will appear far from groundless, if 
we consider how little the gipsies have assimulated to the people 
among whom they inhabit, the striking resemblance that they bear 
to each other in distant countries, and among nations of the most 
dissimilar character and manners, such as those that live on the coast 
of Barbary and in Germany. Their resemblance too with the wan¬ 
dering American Indian, is every particle as near, as their relative 
situation with the the other tribes will permit. This general sys¬ 
tem can only be the work of nature. These beings were pressed 
by colonies, which increased too fast to allow them the necessary 
gradations of habits by situation. Their numbers and character 
dwindled into such insignificancy, as not to make them an object of 
serious persecution. If they had been originally an improved na¬ 
tion that had emigrated, we would know something of the time 
and of the place from whence they proceeded. They would have 
amalgamated with the people where they settled. They have no 
religious system at all, and religious tennets would never have 
prevented this union, which all governments, more or less, have 
tried to effect. The slight persecutions they have suffered, have 
been such only as are practised on beggars and other vagrants.— 
Charles Hid of Spain, ordered some of the smartest into the regi¬ 
ments, but nothing could be made of them, and they were discharged. 
During these persecutions, they withdrew to the woods and dug 
boles in the ground like rabbits. A people not more improved than 
the gipsies are now, would have never migrated very far. Savages 
are no distant travellers. A gipsy in the South of Spain thinks 
no more of visiting his brethren in France, than a Canadian Indian 
to go to Cape Horn. He does not know even that they exist. The 
gipsy hates the society of other people, on the same principle that 


10 


a vulgar low person feels shy in going into the presence of his bet¬ 
ters. He there suffers a sense of inferiority extremely disagreeable. 
This is the real principle of the strangement of that race. The 
Jews differ in very little else from the people among whom they 
live, but in faith, and some usages attached to their creed. The 
small peculiarities to be perceived in their character, are the effect of 
persecution, and even without this circumstance, their faith also 
would have disappeared long ago. When two equal or nearly 
equal bodies of people meet in a country, with different ideas, they 
fight; but they assimilate by degrees, and a mixed system is at last 
the result. But if one of the parties is very inferior, the strongest 
will persecute with all the malice of the human character, and the 
weak cling close to each other for mutual support. Also the origin 
and history of the Jews is a well known matter. 

It would certainly be a task, very muck out of the purpose, to 
enter here into a detailed history of the crimes, vices and follies of 
mankind, for every one any ways acquainted with history or travels, 
is well aware of this circumstance. Where Christianity has not 
thrown its light, religious tenets, and moral practices, are nothing 
hut a system of absurdity, atrocity and indecency. This is not 
solely among nations in a state of barbarity, but among those 
two. as have made very considerable progress in politenes^ 
arts and sciences, such as the Greeks, the Romans, and others. 
Not for a short period, or during the action of transitory 
and peculiar combination of circumstances, but established as 
duties, or recommended as meritorious, for ages and more 
ages. Hume, says, that the religious beliefs that have existed in 
the world, have more the appearance of sick men’s dreams, or of 
the ravings of a mad house, than of dispensations sent from heaven 
to guide the conduct of mortals. Yet religious precepts must al¬ 
ways originate in what is considered expedient, or in what inclina¬ 
tion of some kind leads to. Those painful practices recommended 
by some creeds, were engendered in the ostentatious love of distinc- 
ion, of those who had no other means of acquiring glory. This 
shows, in the clearest manner, that man in general finds no diffi¬ 
culty in embracing, and most religiously respecting any absurdity, 
ever so glaring. And this too on points which he considers, as of 
the utmost importance, and consequently, that he is incapable of 

distinguishing between truth and falsehood, virtue and vice.- 

Whatever portion of other talents there may be in the world, we 
must infer from the conduct of men, that judgement is the rarest. 
And what there is of it, is almost of no effect, by the circumstance, 
that it is only judgement, that can discern its operations in others; 
and the generality of people being incapable of this, they must be 
governed by their own views of things; besides that very body fan¬ 
cies for himself a superiority on this rare gift. This is evidently 
the cause of the strong hold of prejudice, so as to resist demon¬ 
stration itself. Mr. Edmund Burke seems to have been well aware 
of this circumstance, when he asserted, that with the control of 
the press, he would venture to establish in a short time any opini¬ 
on, no matter how extravagant. This indeed is palpable, when 
we see every day, in treaties replete with ingenuity and erudition. 




11 

doctrines maintained, that are repugnant to common sense, and to 
the information of our organs, and where visible and contradictory 
extravagancies are forced into agreement by the most flimsy and 
far fetched subtleties. Aqd what is more, when some well attest¬ 
ed fact comes in contradiction with these airy fabrics, so as not to 
admit of a conciliation, of any sort, the fact is rejected, at least for 
a great while, and dreams maintain their ground. The non-dis¬ 
covery of hidden truths may show the weakness of human reason; 
but the adoption of glaring errors, proves the total want of it.— 
These impertinences attract the attention of the learned, command 
their assent, and employ their understanding, until other questions, 
equally vain, drive the preceding ones away. Cicero said, there is 
no nonsense, but can be found among the opinions of some philo¬ 
sopher. The proposition would have maintained the ground al¬ 
most as well, had he said, there is no opinion of a philosopher, 
but what turns out to be nonsense, if it does not admit of an easy 
and often repeated trial by experiment. Nor can we here plead, 
that if these dreams are generally received, it is the effect of reve¬ 
rence to admitted opinions; this confirms, instead of destroying 
the foregoing doctrine. That man is certainly blind, that can be 
led into a ditch by another. We perceive, likewise, by the history 
of man, that when moral maxims have been ascertained, he in ge¬ 
neral is yet incapable to feel sufficiently their expediency, so as to 
consider them as efficient motives for action. The errors of the 
theories of political justice, lay in considering as want of cultiva¬ 
tion, what in general is the natural and unsurmountable deficiency 
of the mental powers. As it has already been hinted, in few are 
the passions of that vigour, that would make them run in the face 
of certain ruin, or of great inconvenience, if they were capable of 
bringing, in a clear manner to their minds, what they do not actu¬ 
ally feel; or of discriminating distinctly between the uncertain, and 
the improbable, or impossible. If the inconveniences of some¬ 
thing that flatters our appetites, are not very clear, certain and 
immediate, we take it for granted, that we can sin with impunity. 
With the same simplicity we expect whatever indulges our hopes, 
often on the strength of a bare possibility. The division of the 
human species ought not to be so much of the cultivated and uncul¬ 
tivated, as that of the capable and incapable. The authors of the 
doctrine of perfectibility, say the Editors of the London Quarterly 
Review, mistook the improveability of the human knowledge, for 
the perfectibility of human nature. A mistake of the same sort is 
made, when we fancy that a melioration of habits the consequence of 
situation, is an improvement of character. Slaves are in all proba¬ 
bility much better treated, all things considered,‘among the Alge¬ 
rines and Arabs, than among the Christian and civilized West-ln- 
dians. No where is a slave better off than under the Indians of 
Florida, because the wants of the master being few, very little 
labour of the servant will supply them. A negro there divides his 
crop with his owner, who never asks if more might not be made, 
and, as on the other hand, he is generally the wiser of the two ; he 
is far from being in the abject condition we find him among the 
whites, for this reason the Florida planters cannot keep their 


12 


slaves, although they treat them better than any other white people. 
After the introduction of Christianity, man continues, as rude and 
profligate in practice as before. He disgraces the pure and simple 
doctrines of that divine religion, with the most whimsical reveries. 
His conduct, as in every other case, meliorates solely with his situa¬ 
tion. And the only effect that it appears to have had on the world, 
was the drawing to it from other subjects, those controversies, ar¬ 
guments, and disputes, that our stupidity and spirit of wrangling, 
engender. And a religion whose ground work is peace, whose 
every command is good will to all creation, was made the pretext 
for the most atrocious persecutious. But these crimes never had 
their origin in religious zeal. If man was not naturally cruel, no 
zeal of any kind would ever make him so. Human reasoning ap¬ 
pears to be pretty much of the nature of a rope, with one end fast¬ 
ened to a point, so that the other may be placed with equal ease 
in the most opposite directions. And thus, it may be laid down as 
a maxim, that inclination leads opinion, instead of opinion leading 
inclination. The archbishop of Cambray would have never had 
Calvin burnt nor otherwise injured, as this last did Cervetus, and 
if he did, it would not be from opinions, that his mind would have 
formed uninfluenced by others. If benevolence was the natural 
character of man, coercion would have been much less practised in 
the world, than what necessity would have demanded ; for mercy 
has on its side all his great indolence. When men left off murder¬ 
ing, plundering, and captivating each other in the name of reli¬ 
gion, they began to do tne same in that of liberty, or of good or¬ 
der. It may be curious to examine now, how men pass from one 
sort of fanaticism to another. Fanaticism is an ardent desire of 
distinction and power. When Furope was so immersed in igno¬ 
rance, that few had any knowledge of religious dogmas, those 
that were any ways conversant in this matter, claimed the high 
rank and authority, that they thought their superior knowledge 
entitled them to. When this sort of erudition was general, so as to 
be no longer an object of distinction, those fanatically disposed, 
became liberal on that head, and turned their minds from religion 
to politics. This process, however, can only apply to the leaders 
of factions, for the natural inclination to war is what moves the 
multitude. With a constitution of mind like this in the species, it 
would be unwarrantable to suppose, that whatever structure of 
government exists in any state, may proceed from the foresight of 
any person, or set of persons. How often will this foresight, if it 
can be the endowment of any individual, be accompanied with 
power? According to the anterior principles, it cannot be expected 
in a council; for a body of men, say 1, 2, or 300, in whatever 
manner chosen, must partake of the general characteristics of the 
species, and in new paths not be able to discriminate between the 
dictates of wisdom, and the wild proposals of vision. Their re¬ 
solutions will, for the most part, be according to the notions of the 
people from which they are taken ; and if they attempt to deviate, 
it will be to propose some impracticable scheme that will throw the 
country into anarchy. Nothing of this, however, is intended against 
constitutional councils, where they have grown of themselves. In 


13 



certain periods of the process of society, they will naturally come 
on and with them, its ordinary march will be better secured, than 
with a single man against temporary derangements of caprice or 
prejudice. But supposing that some extraordinary man, or still 
more extraordinary council, could devise some great institutions, 
for which the general state of things should not be ready, how are 
they to be carried into execution ? The grand Seignior, far from 
being able to govern the Turks against their habits or prejudices, 
is himself an abject slave to custom, form and etiquette, and woe to 
him the moment he attempts to deviate. What became of the 
institutions that Alfred, and Charlemagne, are said to have brought 
forth ? Those of Peter the Great of Russia, would have met with 
the same fate, had he lived three, two, and probably one century 
before. If they succeeded, it was owing to the principle, that in 
the next part of this essay will be pointed out, as the great regu¬ 
lator of society, and which leads human reason, instead of being 
led by it. 


THE difference of the state of one society in all its points and 
that of another, is the difference of the means of subsistence, and 
its actual population, and of the increase of subsistence, compared 
with the power of increase of poplation. 

Mr. Malthus, in his essay on population, endeavours to shew 
that a great portion of the misery and vice, that afflicts human na¬ 
ture, proceeds from its tendency to increase beyond the means of 
subsistence. To establish this point, he tries to prove, that man, 
like every other animal and vegetable, would multiply in an infinite 
manner, if want of subsistence did not check this augmentation. 
Therefore, that every country contains in general the population 
that r in its circumstances, it can maintain. That as every where 
the increase of population is checked by want; there is in every 
country that misery, and that kind of vice that is the necessary 
consequence of want. With this view he investigates at what rate 
mankind would increase, according to its generating power, and 
after quoting the opinion of several authors, helixes for doubling- 
on the period of 25 years, as a term, that has been verified, be¬ 
yond all doubt in the Ended States, ever since the settling of that 
country. The access of foreigners from such distant places as can 
go there, not only is not competent to accelerate the doubling of a 
population already considerable, but not in the least to make up 
for the checks that even there are in action. At this rate a single 
married couple will grow into 1,099,511,627,71b in only one thou¬ 
sand years ; that is a number greater than the whole earth contains 
by about a thousand times. It is, however, highly probable, that 
mankind has not doubled during that period. This point, established 
in so satisfactory a manner as it appears it is, all the rest are mere 
corollaries. The checks to population he divides into two classes, 
the positive and the preventive. The preventive is people not giv¬ 
ing way to their inclination to marry, for fear of the distresses and 
embarrasments of getting a family they cannot provide tor, with 
the conveniences or luxry they deem it necessary to their standing 



14 


in society; and the positive is the destruction occasioned on the 
born by war and sickness. The absurd plans or ambitious views 
of the rulers of civilized nations would often be ineffectual, if their 
subjects were generally in convenient circumstances. For who 
would quit his family, and a tolerable degree of comfort, for the 
portion of glory and expectations, that fall to the lot of a common 
soldier? Despotic regulations, that would force men to arms, ex¬ 
cept in the defence of their homes and fortunes, could not exist in 
countries so situated. Thus we see that war among civilized na¬ 
tions is rendered practicable only by the want or scarcity of sub¬ 
sistence among many of the members of at least one of the parties 
engaged. It is already a trite observation, that voluntary soldiers 
are to be got most commonly, where and when the facility of get¬ 
ting a livelyhood is the smallest. But the slaughter of war, great as 
it is, does not seem to tend to diminish population. The number of 
inhabitants of the ancient territory of France has by all accounts 
increased during the last thirty years of unremitted, and in modern 
times, unprecedented conflict, much more than during the pre¬ 
ceding thirty of almost profound peace. This excess of increase 
was occasioned by the distribution of ecclesiastical and noble do¬ 
mains by which private unproductive expenditure was diminished, 
which counteracted the expences of the war; and as foreign trade 
and many manufactures were interrupted and capital ceased to flow 
out, a great additional wealth was directed towards agriculture, that 
admitted as yet of considerable improvements, and so the means 
of subsistence in the country were augmented. Since the slaughter 
of war does not diminish population in Europe the difference of its 
increase noticed between that part of the world and America, must 
be accounted for entirely on the difference of action of the other 
checks. And if the climate of Europe be considered as healthy as 
that of the United States, of which very little doubt can be enter¬ 
tained the excess of mortality in the former must flow from sickness 
occasioned by excessive labour, unhealthy work long protracted, bad 
and scanty food, scarcity of clothes, bad and crowded lodgings, 
and all the other concomittants of poverty, and from the vice occasi¬ 
oned by excessive riches and wretched poverty. Mr. Malthus here 
proceeds to substantiate these doctrines by facts, and takes a view 
of all the nations of the world, ancient and modern, barbarous 
and civilized, and shows in a most able manner how this principle 
has acted on the whole of them. But here we will only observe, 
that in a country where the population is greater than the means of 
employing it, labour of course will not be in demand. The owners 
of capital will exact the greatest quantity of labour for the smallest 
portion of subsistence, consistent with the number of labourers, 
and the demand for labour. That is, a man will have to work 
much and fare badly. If he gets married, his offspring will not 
be able to go through the hardships of such circumstances, and 
will perish. It is probable that the greatest part of labourers in 
Europe are the children of poor proprietors, and not of those that 
have nothing but their work, and that the classes between the high¬ 
est and the lowest, keep up the whole population of a country by 
casual assent when fortune favors, and by a regular and gradual 


15 


3 £6 


descent in the ordinary course of things. The children of a man 
that has something, are naturally poorer than the father, for his 
property must be divided among many. That part of the popula¬ 
tion that remains out of employ on account of their inferior natu¬ 
ral advantages, situation or events, must live either by charity as 
far as this will go, and by prostitution or violence. These evils are 
a permanent stream that sink in the grave the remainder of popu¬ 
lation over the means of subsistence, and cannot be stopped, but by 
the preventive check. Any attempt to relieve the horrors of this 
process, by any other method, only tends to increase its violence. 
For it augments the surplus of mouths, over the number of rations, 
by keeping alive a longer time those, that must at last die of mise¬ 
ry, and by occasioning new births. Even if the human character 
was some degrees superior to what it actually is, without the pre¬ 
ventive check this course of tilings would take place in the same 
manner. We must now speak of the means of subsistence, a sub¬ 
ject already ably treated by Messrs. Smith, Say, Ganhil, Ricardo, 
and others. 

The means of subsistence, is that stock from which food, rai¬ 
ment, &c. is to be derived, and must be divided into territory, ca¬ 
pital, and knowledge. Capital is, according to Adam Smith, that 
fund of food, clothes, lodging, and tools of every description, ne¬ 
cessary to maintain all the members of society, till the reproduc¬ 
tion of the same articles. A farmer cannot get a crop, without 
having at his disposal before hand, besides territory and knowledge, 
all the food, clothes, lodging, and tools, to be used by the la¬ 
bourers. Without this capital, that production cannot be obtained. 
The case is the same with a nation, as with an individual; therefore 
the quantity of labour will always be proportioned to the capital. 
Nor is extent of territory sufficient. If to a new colony, with in¬ 
definite territory, a number of people would go, greater than the 
quantity of actual capital would allow, it is evident that they would 
create a famine, that would diminish the produce of next year, 
and the population. The difference of condition between the peo¬ 
ple of the United States and Russia, is that of capital respecting 
the population. They are both equally exuberant in territory.— 
There is a natural tendency in capital to increase, from the princi¬ 
ple, that man in general does not feel the want of such articles as 
he is not accustomed to use, and his labour commonly exceeds the 
quantity of produce his habits demand. This accumulating princi¬ 
ple, can be noticed even among the negroes of the plantations in 
the West-Indies. Many of them are possessed of some hundred 
dollars, a few years after they come from Africa. Although Euro¬ 
pean journeymen do not accumulate, from the hurry they are for 
marrying, yet the possessors of capital do not equally expend all 
their revenue, and by means of these the capital of the nation must 
always be on the increase, except, when counteracted by some great 
cause. This is that wish of bettering his condition, that has been 
ascribed to man. But in reality, mankind can pretty nearly be di¬ 
vided into thoughtless dissipators, or equally thoughtless accumula¬ 
tors, according as their inclinations lead. Knowledge is the effect 
of capital. When in a hunting society, it was perceived, that 


16 


some animals were of such tame nature, bs might be kept near 
the habitations of its members, for use in time of scarcity, those 
animals, or that capita!, produced that knowledge. Again, after 
having been in possession of a certain increased capital of that 
kind, either by natural multiplication, or by the chase, they be¬ 
come settled to a spot for a longer time, and had a chance of ob¬ 
serving the growth of nutritious vegetables from the seed, and of 
taking advantage of this discovery. This advance towards agri¬ 
culture could never have been made without a stock of food from 
tame flocks or the well furnished forest or lake. If from this peri¬ 
od we proceed on to the highest state of culture, we will always 
perceive this alternate ascent of capital and knowledge. Accord¬ 
ing to these principles, in those countries not covered with woods, 
and abounding with horned cattle, sheep, or horses, man must 
have made comparatively rapid progress, and from them in all 
probability, proceeded civilization. Whereas, where the country 
was covered with forests, and nothing in them but animals of a 
wild nature, his improvement must be very slow. We believe ex¬ 
perience warrants this supposition. When society increases in ca¬ 
pital, the demand for the product of agriculture, and arts, aug¬ 
ments in the same proportion, and likewise competition. Persons 
of ingenuity improve the ordinary methods of working ; others 
must adopt these improvents, or else they will not sell their effects, 
or get less for them. With the increase of riches, more refined 
arts, such as music, poetry, painting, statuary, philosophy, &c. 
come likewise in demand. Men of talents, and able to afford 
themselves a good education, will dedicate themselves to these 
pursuits. Printing will be discovered when the subservient arts be 
in a suitable state; it has been known in China time out of mind. AH 
those who can afford it, will purchase the products of literature, if 
not out of taste from ostentation, and to avoid the stigma of barbarity. 
The circulation of books and newspapers, will stimulate the curiosity 
and guide the taste of those persons who are capable of mental im¬ 
provement. Even poetry itself comes to reward its popular votaries 
with something more than bare fame, by the sale of their works, with¬ 
out depending on the caprices of the great, that give themselves out 
for the protectors of learning. Every body affects to profess tenets 
received among those considered as enlightened ; and by the means 
of these, the opinions of the people at large mend gradually, in a 
traditionary manner, and upon trust. This proneness of mankind 
to be led in their opinions, is a wise and benevolent dispensation of 
Providence; for if the caprice of independence of mind, could 
once become general, life would be a continued scene of contro¬ 
versy, wrangling and complete insanity. And so, instead of ad¬ 
vising people to make use of their understanding, and judge for 
themselves, the precept ought to be; follow established doctrines, 
for it is a million to one, at least, that you will fall into some very 
great absurdity, the moment that you attempt to deviate. This, 
far from stopping the progress of improvement, brought on by the 
melioration of circumstances, would tend to free its path from the 
obstacles with which vanity lumbers it. Nor ought there to be any 
fear that men, that have made, or fancy they have made, any 




If 

discovery, will keep it from the world by any consideration of th» 
kind. When capital remains stationary, the improvement of soci¬ 
ety becomes so likewise, as has been the case in China and in In¬ 
dia. Nay, even a society that has reached a high degree of im¬ 
provement, will decay in knowledge as its capital diminishes. The 
demand for the refined arts decreases, as also that for ordinary in¬ 
dustry ; and so dexterity must be by degrees neglected, and at last 
forgotten. Men of genius have no opportunity of cultivating their 
talents, and if they did, themselves and works would pass unno¬ 
ticed. This has been the case with Egypt, and with all those 
countries that once were flourishing. No regulations of govern¬ 
ment can stop this decay of culture, without correcting those evils 
which occasion the decay of capital : Nor bring on an enlightened 
state of the nation, but by means of establishing that order of 
things, that are the most fit for augmenting the capital. Adam 
Smith, says, that no government ever took any suitable steps to¬ 
wards this end. On the contrary, that the errors of their regu¬ 
lating systems, have been corrected by the principle of accumu¬ 
lation. 

Capital increases either by natural accumulation, or by a flux 
of it from other countries, by means of conquest or by commerce. 
Capital, like any other merchandize, will go where it can obtain 
better profits.—(See Adam Smith.) Capital has likewise its po¬ 
sitive, and preventive checks. The preventive are, sterility of the 
country, scarcity of territory, and that men will not work, even if 
able, further than necessity will push them. Capital will increase 
wants, so that at the same time that what characterizes a civilized 
from a savage society, is capital; a proportionate increase of wants 
distinguishes too the former from the latter. These wants are first 
introduced by the desire of distinction of the rich, and followed by 
the rest, as far as practicable, out of emulation. In a country where 
some would be very rich, and the generality very poor, this emula¬ 
tion cannot take place; and the lower classes will satisfy themselves 
with the bare necessaries, rather than work more than this re¬ 
quires, even if by so doing they could obtain some of the conveni¬ 
ences ; for, as we have said before, men do not feel the want of 
those things, to which they have not been accustomed, and what 
forms the principle of accumulation is too that of inercy. But 
where there is a gradation, every class emulates the one above it; 
and this is a continual spur, to wants, expences and industry. The 
despotism of a government, w here a man may be deprived of his 
riches, by an order, or in the name of the tyrant, will put a stop to 
the wish of acquiring them, and will prevent the employment of 
those already got for fear of a discovery. Mistaken regulations and 
encouragements will divert capital from those channels, where it 
would flow to the greatest advantage. All those laws and customs 
that discourage foreigners in carrying or sending their capital into a 
country, tend to diminish the capital of that nation. When a per¬ 
son takes a capital into a country, and there augments it, he cre¬ 
ates necessities and industry to that amount; even if be afterwards 
takes it away, its place will be filled from the richer nations with 
more or less promptitude, and certainty, as liberality and security 


18 


may be established, in the country where it is to go* It may here 
be urged, that by this rule government influences the condition of 
the people ; but we must observe, as we will see in the sequel, that 
in those circumstances the despot is tyrannical, because the people 
is miserable, and the people is not miserable because the despot 
is tyrannical. Take off the despot and an universal depredation 
will take place, infinitely worse than the rapacity of the govern¬ 
ment. Mistaken regulations proceed from the ignorance of the na¬ 
tion, and an enlightened sovereign could not do them away without 
displeasing his subjects. The positive checks are war, that de¬ 
stroys capital in two modes; by the expense it causes, and by the des¬ 
truction and plunder taken when an enemy enters the coun¬ 
try. Luxury and ostentation, both of the government and indivi¬ 
duals are positive checks. The only advantage to be derived from 
the quantity of food, raiment and lodging, that is employed in the 
formation of an elegant equipage, is the encouragement of some of 
the arts. But if that capital has been invested in the improvement 
of a ground, or something similar, it would have been reproduced 
with profit. Commerce with poor nations, is another check of this 
class. This commerce must be carried on with capital of the richer 
people. Let us take a view of the connection between England 
and Portugal. England sends first the manufactures, that are ne¬ 
cessary to purchase wine, furnishes the ships that are to transport 
them : Has in Portugal factors, who advance funds to fanners. 
In short, English capital goes there in every shape, in search of a 
better market. Much of it remains for ever, either on account of 
bankruptcies, or because many of the owners settle in that country 
entirely. But although the greatest part should return with profit, 
yet the increase of demand for capital proportioned to the increase 
of trade, keeps in that line a portion of w hich England is always 
deprived. To make this point more clear, we will suppose a gen¬ 
tleman in London who has an estate in Russia, that yields a great 
profit, but should be continually making such additions and im¬ 
provements, as not only to absorb the whole revenue, but great 
sums besides. Can it be said that whilst he carries on this system, 
he is adding to the riches of England? Colonies are of the same na¬ 
ture as commerce vvitii the poorer nations, w ith the addition, that 
as the mother country can in them monopolize the trade more 
completely, profits are larger, and their tendency to impoverish hier 
is still greater. It was extensive colonization that retarded the pro¬ 
gress of Spain and Portugal. Their colonies were established at a 
period, when the capital of those nations could not be very great; 
as it is proved by the great difficulties Columbus had, in obtaining 
his paltry equipment, eVen from a queen of Castile, sajiguine in the 
undertaking. An expedition, that now, the wives of some trades¬ 
men, could fit out from their pin money. These nations, whatever 
might be their comparative condition with others, were like the rest 
of Europe, just emerging from barbarity. (See Capmany’s critical 
notes.) The establishment of an empire, in such distant regions, 
and the carrying on of its commerce, drew from the mother coun¬ 
try, the capital that ought to have fostered its prosperity. The 
i“age of embarking in colonial undertakings must have been xerf 


19 



great; for soon after the discovery of America, there was a great 
number of towns of some importance, composed of white inhabi¬ 
tants, whose demands and trade increased daily. Every thing 
must have been done with the capital of Europe. We are no long¬ 
er in a state of believing the accounts of powerful empires, prodi¬ 
gious quantities of gold, and other wonders of the hind, left us by 
the conquerors, or discoverers of those countries, with a view of 
exciting our admiration towards their persons, or achievements, 
which certainly were very great, if we only consider their magni¬ 
tude; their novelty, the obstacles of nature, and the ignorance of 
the extent of the perils, that were to be encountered. AH this 
would appear to much greater advantage in its natural garb, than 
disgraced with the monstrous atrocities that must have been com¬ 
mitted, if those fables had had any reality. No more credit ought tp 
be given to the exaggerated accounts of Bartolome de las Casas. 
Cuba, where he says so many Indians have been murdered, as 
would not be supported in that Island, by the highest state of cul¬ 
tivation, is yet covered with impassable forests, of such a nature, on 
account of the quality of the timber, as required thousands of years 
to be formed. All those countries were subdued by private adven¬ 
turers, without wealth or credit before their achievements. Hie 
most insignificant of the African states, could not be subverted by 
such feeble means. Montezuma himself was but a naked savage, 
and not a vestige of his power or cities was discernible, jimnedtr 
ately after the conquest of his dominions, by the Spaniards; when 
the remains of an anterior people, of which no account could be 
gathered in his time, are still visible in many parts of that country, 
particularly a whole and considerable city called Palenque, near 
the Laguna de terminnos, in the province of Yucatan. The his¬ 
tory of the conquest of Mexico, by Solis, the most esteemed of 
those narrations, ought to be considered as by far the best epic 
poem in existence, the Iliad itself not excepted. The events are 
interesting, and poetically probable. The characters plausible, 
and the style noble and easy. That a fiction of that kind should 
so long pass for a true history, is not to be wondered at, if we con¬ 
sider, that the learned are yet looking out for the seat of Troy, and 
for the palaces of Priam : Although it is evident from Homer’s 
discrtptions, that the kings that besieged that famous city, were 
only herdsmen, not more than tolerably at their ease, and not over 
polite. Whatever might be the state of Spain, in the reign of 
Charles the Vth. certain it is, that at the beginning of the reign of 
Philip the Vth. she only contained six millions of inhabitants, (as 
it. is asserted by the most creditable writers) and those very poor-w 
There was not a man among the natives, of scientific or literary 
note, not a proficient surgeon , not one capable of directing a road, 
or a canal. Charles the IUd. had to take all such person from 
France. From that period the population has increased to eleven 
millions; knowledge of every description, and every thing else, 
has progressed in a much greater proportion. The only satisfacto¬ 
ry cause we can find for such melioration, is that other nations of 
Europe, having grown richer than Spain, their capital went there 
in search of greater profit, and by the means of this the draining 


20 


to the colonies was counteracted. The same is the principal source 
of the improvement of Russia. If Peter the Great had never exist¬ 
ed, things, in all probability, would have gone on pretty much 
the same as they have. Hume says, u That the depression of the 
lords, and rise of the commons in England, after the statutes of 
alienation, and the increase of trade, and industry, are more easily 
accounted for by general principles, than the depression of the 
Spanish, and rise of the French monarchies, after the death of 
Charles the Vth. Had Henry the IVth, Cardinal Richelieu, and 
Louis the XlVth. been Spaniards, and Philip the II. III. and IVth. 
and Charles II. been Frenchmen, the history of these nations would 
have been reversed.” If Mr. Hume said, had the French discov¬ 
ered and colonized America, instead of the Spaniards, that the his¬ 
tory of these nations would have been reversed, the matter would 
have come nearer the fact, and be as easily accounted for by gene¬ 
ral principles, as the depression of the lords, and the rise of the 
commons in England, that is, by the increase of industrious capital 
in England, and by the decrease of it in Spain, at least in a com¬ 
parative ratio, with France. If other nations did not feel the effect 
of colonization so perceptibly as Spain and Portugal, it was that 
they did not undertake it in so extensive a manner, or that they 
were already in a state of bearing better such drainings, when 
they adopted that system. Another positive check to capital, is 
the mortality of persons of alt ages, before they have replaced 
by their labour, that part they have consumed to the period of 
their death. How mu h by this check capital must be affected, 
may be noticed in the checks to population above enumerated. 
The last check to capital, is the tendency of population to in¬ 
crease beyond the means of subsistence. The profit of stock and 
the wages of labour in every department, is regulated as has been 
Stablished by Mr. Ricardo, by that of agriculture. When a nation 
manufactures her own commodities, it is evident that the profit of 
this branch of industry cannot be greater nor inferior, all things 
considered, than that of agriculture for capital passing from one 
to the other, will soon put them on a level. The same is the case if 
she exports commodities to a great profit. The inferior lands will 
not then be cultivated. The demand for the produce of the earth, 
will raise its price at home, as also, where it is purchased. Ano¬ 
ther reason why agric ulture must regulate the price of labour and 
profit of stock, is that by far the greatest expenditure of a nation 
is in food, as it is the most necessary to man. The greatest partjof 
the price, even of the superfluities, is the food employed in their pro¬ 
duction, and so a much larger capital must be employed at home or 
abroad, in raising this article than any other. The produce of la¬ 
bour in agriculture is too less liable of being increased by ingenuity. 
A piece of land in the highest improvement, will not yield double, 
than when only tolerably cultivated. The labouring individuals ofa 
rich nation, excel those of a poor one in their dress and furniture, ra¬ 
ther than in their food. It is agriculture too that keeps manufacturing 
capital from sinking to the lowest rate of profit; suppose that Eng¬ 
land had no lands to cultivate, her population could only be what 
the demand for her manufactures would require., and the increasing 


21 



surplus of capital would have to go to other countries, or else the 
profits would become the lowest possible, and the capital perish at 
last: for the owners would have to live on the principal, having no 
profits. When a nation comes to that state of population and capi¬ 
tal, that her most inferior lands are brought under cultivation, all 
her other branches of industry are equally carried to all demand.— 
Labour is little productive. The profit of stock and wages very 
low, rent very high, and the ostentation of the land holder very 
great. In these circumstances, if an extensive new branch of in¬ 
dustry is not discovered, the tendency of the population to increase, 
will press so hard against the demand of labour, that those that 
have nothing but their industry cannot live. All the small capitals 
are eaten up, and only the great ones can be preserved. By this 
process, the very inferior lands cease to be cultivated, and labour 
is again productive ; but as the fare of the labourer has been reduc¬ 
ed to the meanest possible, and as the demand for labour does not 
increase as fast as population, interest of stock and rent of laud 
is high, and the generality of the people miserable. This has pro¬ 
bably been the course of China. But, if besides this by the in¬ 
crease of industry in other nations, a people in this state has been 
deprived of a great part of her foreign trade, capital will perish 
faster than in the anterior case, and the condition of the people be¬ 
come more retrograde. This seems to have been the process of the 
different states of India. By this we perceive, that the exportation 
or destruction of capital, is highly beneficial to a nation after she 
comes to a certain degree of improvement. In this point of view, 
the national debt of England has not been so detrimental to her, as 
some have imagined. That capital, it is true, might have gone to 
other countries, and there create demand for her industry ; but if it 
had remained at home, it would have accelerated that dismal period 
when a nation becomes retrograde. The milortune of England is 
not her debt, it is that she has too much capital, and too much po¬ 
pulation respecting her territory. If the interest of the debt did 
not act as check on her capital, the evil would be still greater, for 
the profit of stock would be smaller, and the population greater, 
and of course the recompence of labour more reduced. When the 
population of a nation is too great for her capital, which more or 
less is the condition of every country. If there is an ample terri¬ 
tory, the people are in a progressive state, as soon as they cease to 
be savage. But if capital does not flow there from other countries, 
this progress will be very slow until the gradual introduction of 
some degree of general luxury. For luxury, although a check to 
capital, is still a greater one on population, and so capital increases 
faster than before, respecting population. Besides, that the poorer 
a nation is, the greater are those other checks to capital that pro¬ 
ceed from tyranny and ignorance. But when the population is too 
large for the territory, which cannot be the case without the nation 
having had a very large capital, then she will retrograde till she 
comes to a certain point, where she will remain stationary. That 
is, if the face of nature itself does not deteriorate a thing not im¬ 
probable. Certainly the pyramids of Egypt, and those cities w hose 
ruins are to be found in the deserts of Africa, w'ere never built in 
such looking places as they now stand in. 


22 

|^ow we will examine the effect of the state of capital on gow 
ernments. But before we proceed, we must take into consideration 
the difference between a country with a large capital, and one with 
large capitalists. England has more great capitalists than the 
United States, but this last, if we value what is possessed or manage 
ed by every individual there, has more capital respecting the popu¬ 
lation. We must likewise make a difference between riches and 
capital. Rifhes are large portionsof capital possessed by a single in* 
dividual Of course a country with large capitals can make a great¬ 
er display of riches, than one with greater capitalits more divided. 
There may be a carriage and an elegant house in a town, where 
there is an inhabitant worth <£100,000, and this cannot take place 
where there is two thousand worth £2000 each. Government will 
likewise have greater facility in raising any sum, either in taxes or 
by loans from opulent men, than from a greater number of people 
possessing the same property among them. A single individual worth 
£10,000, can better spare £1000, than one hundred persons pos* 
sessed of £100 each. The one infringes only on his ostentation for 
this purpose, the others on their conveniences or necessaries. The 
capital of England is also crowded together in a smaller compass, 
and so the country is more improved. k That of the United States 
spread over a very large surface. As capital is more productive ia 
the United States, for only lands of the first quality are there culti¬ 
vated—it goes from England to the United States. 

In a savage state, that is, when society is entirely destitute of 
capital of any importance, men are pretty equal. The only dif¬ 
ference is that of natural advantages, and these will never enable 
any one to command any portion of subsistence, that others will 
Hot be able to get almost as well. Thus no one will depend or be 
master of another. Their chiefs can only be their leaders in war, or 
their orators in council. But when some of the society acquire flocks, 
many will be willing to relinquish the fatigues and uncertainty of the 
ehace, and be the dependants of those, that have subsistence to 
dispose of At last the richest of these herdsmen become charac¬ 
ters of importance. Their weaker neighbours must adhere to some 
of them for protection. Here we have the patriarchal, or pastoral 
governments, as described in sacred and profane history, and as they 
are to be seen among the Arabs and Tartars. As yet there is no writ¬ 
ten laws. Every chief decides in all cases, according to his judgment. 
We may now perceive the commencement of slavery. The lord of the 
flock will soon make a very little difference between the servant born 
under his power, and the bullock reared in his flock. When the 
number of his dependants was small, so that he saw them every 
day eat and lived with them, the condition of a servant was more 
like that of a free dependant, than of a slave. But as soon as the 
number augmented, so that their relative distance increased much, 
and captives over whom the conqueror imagined himself with ab* 
solute dominion, were introduced, slavery took its wonted appear¬ 
ance. When a herdsman became very powerful, and his flocks 
too numerous for continual changing of residence, necessity indicated 
agriculture. He parcelled out lands to his dependants, and ruled over 
them in the same manner as before. This appears to have been the 


fthte of Greece as described in the fliad, which was probably as it 
was in the time of Homer. Ulysses was king of ltaca. His dominions 
were a property small enough for a private gentleman, particularly 
if we consider the state of cultivation they must have been in. It 
seems that Greece was made up of this sort of kings, their families, 
and slaves. Nor was the state of Europe very different from this, 
some centuries ago. The continual broils of these gentlemen, 
must have produced many confederacies among them. The war 
of Troy was occasioned by the elopement of a lady. The House 
of Priam, was of sufficient power to call forth all Greece to arms 
against it. And although most, if not all, of what is related of that 
famous siege, is certainly fabulous, yet similar transactions must be 
common in that state of society. These frequent confederacies 
brought the necessity of a head to command them in war, levy the 
necessary contributions, and adopt such general regulations as their 
mutual defence required. The most powerful of these federated 
kings, or barons, would become their chief. A place of meeting 
Would be appointed, where the general interest would be discussed; 
which must naturally be the residence of their chief. And now we 
already have something similar to what passed in the allodial and 
feudal systems. The necessity of defence and custom, kept these 
barons together, as a nation, but the spirit of division and jealousy, 
so natural to man, often produced broils among themselves, and 
insubordination to their chief, whom we will now call king. In 
the strife between the king for power, and the barons for inde¬ 
pendence, the formation of towns, as Dr. Smith ably points out, 
was what turned the balance in favo tr of the king. Some spot 
must be fixed to carry on the commerce or exchange, that was 
then practised. Taverns of some sort must soon be established 
to afford necessaries to dealers, then stores, then different sorts 
©f tradesmen. When these places were sufficiently populous, the 
king would court their adherence by the offer of franchises, and 
lend them his force to shake off the galling yoke of the lords. The 
facility with which they could form into a militia, and fortify them¬ 
selves, the increase of their property, more rapid than in the 
country, made them powerful allies of the crown, whose favour it 
was their interest to court, as much as that of the crown to receive 
their aid. The towns now too send deputies to the assembly.— 
From this time the importance of the barons decays every day.— 
The crown takes from them their power of legislation over their 
vassals, and invests it in that assembly, that before was only intend¬ 
ed to regulate measures of mutual defence. Now not only the 
general assembly makes the laws, but the judges are appointed by 
the crown. After this the barons themselves are gradually stripped 
of their personal privileges, and reduced to the level of ordinary 
subjects. Retaining almost no advantage over them, but what 
flowed from their wealth. Thus the independence of the people, 
originated in the broils between the king and his barons, (See 
Robertson’s Charles V.) and gained ground with royal preroga¬ 
tive. But now the king, master of the whole force of the country, 
becomes absolute alike over all. The barons too join him against 
the people; because feeling themselves impotent to revive their 



24 


4s 


ancient pretentions to power, are afraid of being assimilated to 
what they call the mob. Although the commoners may be 
too rich to be slaves, they are not sufficiently so to be rulers. The 
barons have been dispossessed of their great perogatives, but retain 
yet a great proportion of the wealth of the nation ; therefore have 
many adherents among the commonalty, to whom they may be of 
service, by leases of land, employment in their household, or inter* 
est at court. But noblemen by their haoits, and rivalship of osten¬ 
tation with each other, tend to be losing in point of property, 
whilst the commoners by their industry, gain daily on that ground. 
As noblemen grow comparatively poor, adherents pass from one 
class to another. A number of tolerable rich farmers, manufac¬ 
turers, and merchants, will balance the influence of any nobleman, 
with regard to the number of people they can employ. Tolerably 
rich are mentioned, because opulence is the only efficient nobility. 
As these different classes prevail by their property, the notions and 
prejudices of each body, will direct the measures of government. 
When the opulent have the direction, measures will be such as will 
tend to secure distinction for themselves and families, (here is the 
origin of titles, entailments &c.j and to the military glory and 
splendour of the nation ; for every one of them will expect to have 
a very conspicuous share in those things. Where commoners have 
the upper hand, measures will be intended for the promotion of the 
franchises of the people, and the encouragement of trade and in¬ 
dustry. And although their resolutions by embarassing the natural 
couise of things, will for the most part be of a tendency to pro¬ 
duce the contrary effect, yet the principle of accumulation will 
counteract their blunders This is the most natural, although not 
the necessary process of a people. Conquests and colonies will 
make considerable alterations, by introducing or extracting capi¬ 
tal. Likewise, when the king became absolute by the rival power 
of nobles and commoners, he may dissolve or cease to call the nati¬ 
onal assembly. But this causes no substantial difference. If the 
assembly is continued, it will only be a passive tool to the views of 
the crown, until property turning the balance in favor of the nobles, 
or the commoners, government becomes popular or aristocratical. 
If the assembly has been dissolved, as the nation grow rich and ad¬ 
vanced, transactions are more complicated—the old system every 
day is more embarrassing—a new order of things is absolutely ne¬ 
cessary—a council of some sort is formed—and the government, as 
when the assembly remained, becomes aristocratical, or popular, 
as the state of property will direct. Many nations have not pass¬ 
ed through the pastoral state, but turned agriculturalists, from 
hunters or fishers. In that case as men get settled to a spot, they 
become objects of prey to their neighbours, in equal circumstances. 
They have a stock of provisions—themselves may be useful slaves : 
and so their chief will seize upon greater power, and at last be 
their master. For there is no alternative between serving abroad, 
or obeying at home. In this inclination of mankind to brutal force, 
and to kidnap and waylay each other, the origin duelling may be 
traced. When barbarians h id overcome something of their gros¬ 
sest ferocity, they began to prefer the additional risk of an open 



%o 

attack, to the continual anxiety and apprehension from the plots 
of others, and so they agreed to give each other notice, wher »! cy 
intended hostility. Such is our proneness to follow custx n;, f< r *! e 
want ot a better guide, that because our ancestors considered it 
cowardice, not to do themselves justice with their swords, v 1 en 
there was no other method of obtaining it, nor no other rule of 
right established but personal force; we must appeal to private 
battles, although now perfectly out of all sense, and in entire con¬ 
tradiction with the state of society. Those countries where duel¬ 
ling has not been practised, passed at once, by colonies, or com¬ 
merce, from that condition for which it was too soon, to that f r 
which it was too late. And the only method to put a stop to it now, 
would be the complete and unavoidable ruin of all parties con¬ 
cerned, so as to shelter in a creditable manner, the natural love of 
life, against the assaults of vanity. Or perhaps some degrading or 
ridiculing punishments would answer better, such as flogging in a 
public place, or putting in the pillory, with a barber’s bason on 
the head, , as Cervantes represents Don Quixotte. But if there is a 
law difficult to pass, and still more difficult to execute it is this: 
For what legislator, or officer of government, can be willing to 
occasion the least suspicion of his cowardice ? We are all extreme¬ 
ly ingenious at hiding our faults. 

From the anterior facts,the following principles must be drawn: 
That the nature and laws of every country must be the effect of the 
condition of the people. The condition of the people is caused by 
the quantity of lands and capital, respecting the population and fa¬ 
cility of providing for the natural growth of population. When 
the capital of a nation is small, there cannot be a great number of 
capitalists, for if many respecting the population have capital, even 
if moderate, that of the nation cannot be small. Again, the ca¬ 
pital of a nation cannot be great when there is only few capalists, 
let these be ever so opulent. It follows of course that a large na¬ 
tional capital must be in many hands, a small one in few. A very 
rich person does not feel the stimulus of want to industry and is 
inclined to ease and ostentation. Land is the most desirable source 
of revenue for such an individual; as it is of no use without 
capital to cultivate it. He that has a small piece of land and no 
capital will sell it; and so where the capital is small, the lands too 
will accumulate in few hands by feudalism or purchase. As the 
capital of a nation grows large, respecting the population, and un¬ 
til foreign trade, or manufactures be established to a considerable 
extent. The gradual accumulation of riches will be inverted in 
lands as almost the only method of securing a revenue. In a na¬ 
tion with an extensive foreign commerce and manufactures, only 
opulent persons think of having landed estates—the rest either 
farm tracts of land, or employ their capital in undertakings from 
which they expect greater profits, the laws^ will follow this direc¬ 
tion given by capital, where the lands are in few hands either by 
want of capital or by the purchases of the opulent, the possessors 
will try to keep their estates entire, for the lustre of their families 
by entailments as far their urgencies will allow. When the lands 
have been divided, as no brilliancy can reflect to families by such. 

JD 


26 



small possessions; and as the owners have no credit to pass laws, 
the lands remain free for alienation. A nation becomes mercan¬ 
tile and manufacturing, when by the extent of her capital, and 
of course of her population, she has to cultivate worse lands than 
her neighbours. Now from the want of capacity in the mass of 
men their spirit of disagreement and distrust, their wish of pre¬ 
ference, their dependence on the dispensators of subsistence, pro¬ 
ceeding from the too ample stock of labourers, the owners of 
capital and of land will always govern, and this too according to 
their views, that is their interest; and so when there is no capital, a 
nation must be in the hunting state, and individuals in savage in¬ 
dependence. 

When the capital of a nation is so small that it does not afford 
the means of maintaining an army, the country will be governed by 
petty tyrants independent of each other, who, as they are the ow¬ 
ners of the persons of their subjects, will be so too of their lands 

Where capital is small, yet sufficient to maintain an army, a 
monarchy will be established either by conquest or by the aid of 
towns, or of some of the barons disaffected from the rest, and it 
will be a despotic one, that is where the army is essential to the 
existence of government; and where there is no written laws, but 
officers of government decide in all cases, according to custom, or 
their notion of things. If from this state capital diminishes, so as 
not to afford the maintenance of an army, the monarchy will dis¬ 
solve into petty feudalities. If it increases, busines becoming more 
complicated, written laws will be necessary, and the government 
will grow into an aristocracy, if property has augmented by con¬ 
quest, or incline to popularity, if by industry. 

Where there is a considerable capital, but the greatest part in the 
hands of a few, and some in the hands of many, government 
will be aristocratical. There cannot be much capital, where the 
commoners are entirely destitute ; for there will be no industry.— 
Aristocracy approaches the condition of a commoner, to that of a 
slave, more than even despotism. 

We must make a difference between feudality and aristocracy. 
In feudality, each baron governs a separate district with independ¬ 
ent authority. In aristocracy the whole country is governed by 
the opulent collectively. 

When capital is considerable, and pretty equally divided between 
the opulent and the commoners, the government will bean abso¬ 
lute an hereditary monarchy, and the monarch will have infinitely 
more power, than with despotism ; for he may command at least 
one half of the force of the nation, against the other half, with 
the advantage of unanimity and order, against disagreement and 
confusion. Whereas, when he is despotic, he has to be continu¬ 
ally submitting to the frantic caprices of the lawless rabble, that in 
those circumstances form the army. In an absolute monarchy, the 
army is not essential to the existence of the government. It is kept 
for foreign war, and to quell partial disorders. It is distributed at 
different points in small parties. If there is no political division in 
tine nation, a combination of the chiefs against their sovereign is 
scarcely practicable, oil account of their mutual jealousies, and the 


27 



Want of provision to maintain their forces together for any time, 
as to overcome the resistence that maybe found in the other orders 
of the people. In short, each and all themambers of the army, de¬ 
pend on the sovereign, instead of the sovereign depending on them 
But in a despotic government the sovereign depends on them, and 
more particularly on his life guard. His deposition and beheading, 
is such a common occurrence, that the chiefs of that guard, come 
to be looked upon, as the real heads of the state, and the other 
branches of the army will follow them, with more or less obedience 
as circumstances may stand. The throne can only be elective in 
feudalism, in pure democracy, a pure aristocracy, or in despotism. 
As soon as the monarch has the whole, or a considerable part of 
the power, he naturally secures the succession in his family, which 
circumstance, fortunateIy r , is the most suited to the interest of the 
nation, as it avoids the disorders of election. 

Where the capital is large, and the greatest part in the hands of 
the commoners, the government will tend to popularity, w hilst there 
be an easy discharge to increasing population; but as soon as this 
is wanted, if by having no foreign trade or other events, the 
lands and capital come to be so divided, that there is few opulent 
men ; the government must he an absolute monarchy, for the 
councils having no clear interest of their own to follow, will enter 
the fields of speculation, and of course of vision. Their constitu¬ 
ents not being bound to them by dependence for subsistence, will 
not sustain their authority. Distress will introduce trouble, anar¬ 
chy and despotism ; but whilst the power be in the hands of the 
monarch, there will be as much practical liberty as needed, for the 
nation is not in circumstances suitable to a barbarous tyranny. For 
the same reasons, the monarch, provided that he does not call on 
the wits of his subjects, is sure on his throne, until the too great 
excess of population over the means of subsistence again bring on 
barbarity. By this means we see that the too great subdivision of 
land, where it is not very abundant, is equally inimical to the liber¬ 
ty and to the happiness of the people, by breaking subordination, 
and by encouraging population. The labourer fares better in a 
nation not over burthened with people and with a large capital 
than a small proprietor in an over peopled country. The number 
of common labourers is also greater in the latter than in the former. 
He that has a small piece of land and a cabbin, cannot resist the 
temptation to marry, lowers his fare, and brings up a family in rags. 
Mr. Malthus has already treated this subject completely. We are 
afraid that in France, lands are too subdivided both for the present 
order of her government, and for the future prosperity of her 
people. 

A country tends to aristocracy, despotism or feudality when its 
capital decays, or when all its branches of industry are brought to 
such a degree of fullness that population presses hard against the 
means of subsistence, or when it grows rich by conquest. Not 
much equality can take place in the division of the spoils of the 
vanquished. Likewise fine climates have a tendency to servility ; 
as the wants are there few, men find less difficulty in early mar¬ 
riages, and in rearing their offspring, and the country is more 


overstocked with inhabitants, than in the severer climates. Wher6 
b ■ < ver houses, more clothes, and tire-wood are necessary, appetite 
is keener, vegetation not so abundant, people must abstain more 
from marriage, or else want will soon correct their error. Many 
wretches too, perish, that in the milder regions would protract 
their misery, and contribute that of others. The extreme differ¬ 
ence in the condition of the casts in India, proceed from this en¬ 
tirely. The higher orders are in the absolute possession of all the 
weaith and industry of the nation. It is as natural in a father to 
teach his trade to his children, when he knows lie cannot have 
any other method of getting their livelihood, as it is to leave them 
his property at his death. Besides, luxury, pride, and other cir¬ 
cumstances in a great measure stop births in the higher classes; 
and likewise it is probable, that there, like in Europe, the surplus 
of population of those classes discharges itself by degrees in the 
lower ones, whilst the fine climate and sobriety of India, multiply 
the miserable paria, so much beyond what he is wanted, that he is 
valued less than the most contemptible beast. Any body has a 
right to kill, or treat him at pleasure. His very sight stains the 
purity of the other casts. Let benevolent philosophers, recollect, 
now, that accounts of any thing like benevolence, or generosity, 
in a community, always turn out to be either the sketches of fancy 
entirely, or else transient, very circumscribed, and largely exag¬ 
gerated instances: whilst every description of brutality, even if 
by its magnitude looks like the portrait of a disordered imagina¬ 
tion, finds reality in life among very polished nations, and in those 
too, whose civilization loses itself in the obscurity of time. In the 
power of population over subsistence, we may find too, the cause 
of polygamy. Where men are of so little value, that by their 
comparative boldness and strength are so much more fit to produce 
food, women must of course he slaves, and their masters will take 
as many, as will suit their convenience, or caprice. A harem in 
the east, is one of the customary manners of ostentation, the same 
as a large retinue of livery negroes in the West-Indies. 

By oe foregoing observations, we perceive, that under any 
names for the institutions of government, there may be as much 
freedom or slavery, as under any other, if by freedom we under¬ 
stand independence. We conceive, that an obscure individual, 
with some property, is really more free in Algiers, than a servant 
in the United States Anv attempts to bring on, or keep a state of 
Society, that does not suit the situation of property, are perfectly 
useless on account of the character of mankind, and of their mu¬ 
tual dependence for subsistence. It may well he said, that every 
country enjoys all the practical liberty , of which it is capable , in its 
condition ; and that no country can be kept long from the liberty , 
that in its circumstances it can enjoy. ISo improvement in a gov¬ 
ernment can come but from itself. The moment that the power of 
the existing authorities are weakened by sudden regulations, the 
country must fail into anarchy, if that is not counteracted by some 
grr t cause. And this even, if all parties are agreed as to the ends 
of ie reforms, and if the private views of individuals do not 
come into action. Tilings utterly impossible. But if they weie 


3‘klr' 


29 

possible, there would be so much disagreement as to the means, 
s.' ouch vis ion brought forward, that nothing could come to any 
substance. Of this we have had the clearest proof in France.— 
The French enjoyed before the revolution, all or nearly all the 
practical liberty that their condition would allow. The only griev¬ 
ance of any consequence they could complain of, was the unequal 
distribution of the public burthens. The bastiles, lettersdecachees, 
&:c. were nothing but the decayed remains of a salutary despotism 
in the hands of the crown, against turbulent noblemen. No sov¬ 
ereign was ever more ready to give up any part of bis authority. 
Some of the nobles and clergy were equally well disposed ; and the 
king and the commoners were strong enough to have awed, without 
a struggle, the refractory into any compliance. An assembly is 
called to level the burthens, and to give forms to the substances 
that existed already, and the nation falls in the most dreadful con¬ 
fusion. The temporary melioration which we perceive in that 
kingdom, proceeded by chance from a cause of which the revolu¬ 
tionary legislators and reformers had no conception, that is, the 
war that threw the capital of foreign trade, into the improvement 
of the interior of the country. The deficit in the finances was 
too inconsiderable for a country of the resources of France, to be 
the cause of the revolution. And of much less power could have 
been the idle speculations of the philosophers. The same revolu¬ 
tion took place in England without such deficit, and the dreams of 
equality have heated the brains of visionaries, and are the favorite 
topic of the populace at all times in all countries. The real cause 
was in both countries, that the executive lost its authority. In 
England the monarch tried an out-stretch of royal prerogative, 
that the state of property did not warrant without going far enough 
in the means. Such things are not to be done by halves. In 
France the king called on an assembly not m use, to make those 
reforms he ought to have made himself. If a monarch does not 
force against the state of property, and if he does not call on his 
subjects for reforms, he has no need of fearing rebellions in a tole¬ 
rable civilized country. For the stupidity and spirit of jealousy 
and division, which is the nature of man, wili enable him to go 
much further in the momentary exercise of power, than what the 
state of property will warrant. Nothing but a very perceptible 
and urgent common interest can keep men together for a length of 
time, sufficient to effect any thing of importance. FortheJ same 
reason, when a country has once fallen into anarchy, it cannot re¬ 
cover its natural position, that is, that order of things suitable 
to its state of capital, by any other means but despotism. Perhaps 
no wiser act of government ever took place in Europe, than the 
decree of Ferdinand the Vllth. of Spain, dissolving the Cortes, 
and placing every thing on the same footing as it was before his de¬ 
parture. Which act has the more merit, when we consider the 
many plausible decrees that the Cortes had passed. If the United 
States did not fall into anarchy at their separation from Great Bri¬ 
tain, it was owing to the smallness of their towns, where almost 
all the inhabitants had to work for their daily bread—and the great 
distance between these towns. There were no wealthy men to put 


30 

things in motion, nor people in desperate circumstances to riot.-*- 
The population of the country, although thin, was sufficiently 
near, not to allow the towns to dictate to them entirely. This is 
what even now keeps that government from dissolution. The rup- 
ture had its origin in the jealousy,between Englishmen of one side of 
the water, and those of the other side. Reason, the most efficient to 
produce a separation, whenever the Americans should think them¬ 
selves strong enough to begin the fray. This is the cause of that 
surprising unanimity that pervaded the whole country from north 
to south, when there was so little motive to complain of the op¬ 
pression of the mother country. This circumstance put in motion 
those persons who were fond of distinction. The provinces conti¬ 
nued governing themselves the same as before. They formed a 
congress for the purpose of providing the means of defence The 
difficulty of subjugating a territory so very extensive, and the 
blunders, that it was natural enough the British should commit, 
gave of course success to their American colonies. To principles 
of the same sort we may ascribe the late successful struggle of the 
Spaniards against the French. The natural enmity between man and 
man, animated the Spaniards against the French, and when insulted 
in a glaring manner, so as tovouse the indignation of the whole 
people at once, a fray took place. There is always in that 
country a sufficient portion of the population disposed to an adven¬ 
turous life, owing to that as the capital of the nation is small, it 
cannot give a sure and liberally paid employment to all its mem¬ 
bers, from this source numberless guarrallas sprung up. The blun¬ 
ders of the French, the English aid, and the events of Russia, 
brought things to an issue, that certainly cannot be ascribed to the 
wisdom of a government whose authority scarcely extended fur¬ 
ther than the walls of Cadiz. The French army kept^away an¬ 
archy. 

In the hunting state, man is savage in morality. 

In a state of slavery, he is barbarous. 

Under despotism, he is rude. 

Under aristocracy, he is proflagate without limits. The great 
vie each with the other in their excesses, which become com¬ 
mendable, for as man in general has no judgement to discrimi¬ 
nate between right and wrong, virtue and vice, he establishes his 
opinions by what is practiced by the greatest part of those he re¬ 
putes in respectable circumstances. The small are proud to imi¬ 
tate the vices of their masters, and besides have many of their 
own. 

In absolute monarchy, profligacy has some discountenance from 
those that cannot indulge in it, hut live decently by good behaviour. 

In popular governments, as few can indulge in vice, compared 
to those that, by industry and care, may have the conveniences of 
life, the people in general declaim against excesses, to console 
themselves for not being able to practise them, become puritanical, 
and cant virtue. But what they gain in regularity of conduct, they 
lose in loyalty to each other. As few are sufficiently rich to be 
above anxiety, and all can by care and diligence, enjoy some con¬ 
venience, they are close and overreaching in their dealings; they 


3 ^ 


31 

will take every advantage that the risk of a glaring loss of reputa¬ 
tion will allow, and so are notably selfish in the disposal of their 
means, and services. Although by the competition of capital 
among them the wish of gain, and their incapacity of discrimina¬ 
tion, they will sell on credit with facility, and not be very particu¬ 
lar to whom they trust. 

We will divide want into poverty, or the scanty fare of the la» 
bourer, and misery, or the want of a living of any kind. 

In the hunting state, poverty is very great, so as to be misery.— 
A savage is more liable to entire want, than any person in a civili¬ 
zed society. 

In a state of slavery, poverty is greater, and misery not so great, 
as in any state of civilization. The master will employ, sell, or kill 
all his slaves. Proofs of this last, are the gladiator shows, and the 
s laughter of servants at funerals in practice among some nations. 

Under despotism, poverty is pot so great, but misery greater 
than in the anterior states, for population increases faster, than 
what is wanted. 

Under aristocracy, poverty and misery will be greater than in 
any order of civilized society, for the commoner has the disadvan¬ 
tages of the slave, without his advantages. 

Under monarchy, poverty is much smaller, than under any of 
the anterior governments, but misery is greater than where the peo*- 
is in slavery. 

In popular governments, there ought to be much less poverty 
and misery, than under any of the other states of society: but if 
it is a largely manufacturing country, misery may sometimes be 
greater, than any where else as the wife and children can earn some¬ 
thing, and so births exceed demand. Also the alternatives of trade, 
throw for a while many people out of occupation, and the tempta* 
tion to vice there is in manufacturing places, will increase that cala¬ 
mity. 

Manners, under a despotic government, are rude and crafty, and 
the way of living, coarse and not neat, for the want of riches. 

Under aristocracy, the great are arrogant, the small servile. The 
manner of living ostentatious on the one hand, and mean on the 
other. There will be a ridiculous mixture of grandeur and shabi- 
ness. 

Under absolute monarchy, manners are refined, there is an affec¬ 
tation of elevated sentiment, for the great endeavor to distinguish 
themselves from the common people, who try to imitate them.— 
There is more convenience, and less ostentation in the way of liv¬ 
ing, than in aristocracy. The capital is greater, and more divided 
among all classes. 

In popular governments, manners are neither rude nor refined. 
In the way of living there is more convenience, neatness and clean¬ 
liness, than ostentation. 

In the first three stages, no other knowledge ought to be expected 
than that of the rude arts, necessary to their manner of living. 

Under all governmenis, the arts and sciences, of necessity, will 
be cultivated, in proportion as there is capital in the hands of the 
commoners: and those of refinement, luxury and ostentation, as 


32 

there may he of it in the hands of^the rich, yet, no art ean 
n rje to any considerable perfection without considerable capita! in 
t'l? hands of the commoners ; if among’ this class there is not the 
means of elegant education, nothing will be obtained, besides that 
the execution of the superior arts depends entirely on the state of 
the inferior ones. A people may have a mental improvement that 
does not belong to the state of their capital: but this will be owing 
to their connection, by language or government, with a more opu¬ 
lent nation. Tins is the case with the Scotch. 

A nation whose government can command the greatest wealth 
will too he the most warlike. Her large military establishments, 
old, and well supported, will have that order or displine, bv which 
it is very difficult for every man not to do, comparatively speaking, 
well his duty. And this is the only valour to be expected among 
men, except in some gusts of fanaticism, that neither last, nor are 
of any avail. The losses being repaired with promptitude she will 
beef course successful. Her generals will acquire renown. Anl 
writers will have an opportunity of drawing fine tableaus. A poor 
people, like the barbarians that overturned the Roman empire, 
may execute a successful excursion on a weak and tottering state, 
but will never be able to make an impression against a well regu¬ 
lated people. Much of the military glory of a nation will depend 
too on the state of her neighbours. Any people may always be 
too strong for a weaker one 

We must observe, that many variations will take place in society 
as these ingredients of government are mixed in different propor¬ 
tions : And, likewise, as capital advances, or decreases in a nation. 
The same capital, respecting the population, that diminishes, will 
have a different effect, from what it has when it increases. On the 
first case, from habits, the necessities of man are greater, and the 
people is descending, by distress, from better to worse living ; capi¬ 
tal every day is more distant from the power of increase of popu¬ 
lation, and vice and misery will appear in every shape. There 
will be very considerable difference seen too, as a capital is new or 
old. There may be in a newly civilized country, more improve¬ 
ment, than in an older one; but a mixture vvid be found of refine¬ 
ment and barbarity. Civilization has not vet pervaded every part 
of the system, at the same time that in an ancient nation the state 
of improvement, may not correspond to that of manners. 

Whether society was originally formed by the love of company, 
or that of self-presevation, or both, the principles of its improve-* 
nientare:—The principle of accumulation;—The capacity, that 
man has over every other animal, to repeat the practice of more 
complicated routines :—The capacity of some individuals to go be¬ 
yond this. The obstacles to the improvement of society, are—The 
want of any judgment in the great majority of the species :—The 
natural character of enmity between man and man :—And tendec* 
cy of population to increase beyond the means of subsistence. 


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